Sheila Copps, who in was deputy prime minister of Canada, said the No campaign refused to allow federal politicians to get involved. All of a sudden the No side was in trouble as the polls began indicating a sharp swing towards the Yes camp. What followed next was either a quasi-spontaneous, massive showing of love for country or an illegal and malicious attempt to circumvent democracy — depending on whom is asked.
The so-called Unity Rally was held on Oct. Canadians obliged: Tens of thousands of people from across the country converged on the urban square called Place du Canada. Copps, who helped organize the rally, said "We were sitting on the outside wanting to help and ready to help but we were to told stay out. Pseudonyms will no longer be permitted. By submitting a comment, you accept that CBC has the right to reproduce and publish that comment in whole or in part, in any manner CBC chooses.
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By Staff The Canadian Press. Posted October 30, am. In English-speaking North America, it thus remains an anomaly but not a country. The closeness of the result intensified the anguish of their defeat.
Stephane Parent, who helped organise the festival in Quebec City, exemplifies the separatists' longstanding dilemma. Though he considers himself a Quebecer first and a Canadian second, his Quebecois pride has not made him a fully-fledged separatist.
He fears the economic uncertainty that might arise from independence. Is it going to be that easy to trade with the other Canadian provinces? How would the Americans consider us if we decided to split? Those were big concerns for a big part of the population. This widespread concern has hobbled the separatist cause. The province nowadays accounts for almost a fifth of the Canadian economy - an independent Quebec would be the world's 44th biggest economy, not far behind Norway.
But though Quebec would hardly be a poor country, it might well be poorer than it is now. Because of its ageing population and higher-than-average unemployment, it is a beneficiary of transfer payments from the Canadian federal government. It has a relatively small tax base. Separatists claim that the mood of financial alarmism ahead of the previous two referendums arose out of the scare tactics from Canadian nationalists and their backers in the business community.
Exaggerated or not, doubts about the future currency, the possible withdrawal of investment and complications over trade spread enough nervousness to persuade some small "s" sovereigntists voters to stick with the status quo.
The lesson here is that perceptions of economic rationalism can easily trump feelings of nationalistic romanticism. For many in Quebec, the head ultimately ruled the heart. But the independence struggle has managed to accrue for the province a great deal more autonomy. Some might even argue Quebec has achieved de facto independence, given the provincial government's control over so many of its education, immigration, taxation and cultural policies. First passed in , the Charter of the French Language, better known as Bill , made French the official language of Quebec, and made mandatory its use in business and commerce.
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